Hadharamis networking: Salvage of the homeland [Archives:2007/1042/Culture]
April 16 2007
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For hundreds of years, Hadramaut depended for most of the social and economic developments of its two states, the Quaiti and the Kathiri on the support of its migrants. Political changes in the host countries, and later in the Hadhramaut itself, invariably overshadowed such support and affected it in a rather negative way. The importance of Hadhramaut, and consequently the Hadhramis in local, regional and international politics and economy since it became part of South Yemen in1967, and later as part of the larger Yemen in1990, was extremely marginalized.
The policy of the current Yemeni government, which is highly dominated by northern tribes and their military and commercial affiliates, though recognizes the magnitude of wealth and entrepreneurial experience the Hadhramis have accumulated throughout the countries of the Indian Ocean, provides no practical base or real facilities to them to invest in their original homeland. Hence the longstanding link of support of the migrant Hadhramis to their country of origin was cutoff. Hadhramis, in the Republic of Yemen, have thus become less capable of defending their interests in their motherland, let alone promoting them. Poverty and unemployment in Hadhramaut are in high rates, despite the fact that it provides about 60 percent of Yemen's budget revenues from its exported oil.
A famous British traveler and writer, Sir Richard Burton, said “it is generally said that the sun does not rise upon a land that does not contain a man from Hadhramaut “. Sir Richard Burton lived in the nineteenth century. That was the extent of the Hadhrami emigration more than a hundred years ago.
Hadhramaut was rather an impoverished region that had been severely affected by tribal wars and recurrent draught, to which some scholars attribute the widespread emigration of the Hadhramis. But that is not the whole story. The multi century practice of migration and the success in the host societies, with deep social and religious impact on these societies, tells us that there were certain advantages enjoyed by Hadhramis. These advantages have made them distinct from other diasporas. They had notable abilities to integrate into, adjust to and cause deep impact on, their host societies. However, their most unique quality was their strong attachment to, and continuous communication with, their homeland. Throughout the eighteenth, nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century, this support has provided the main source of sustenance for the Hadhramaut residents. When this support was interrupted, there was hardship, and even famine, as happened during the Second World War.
Hadharami Networking
The influence migrants had on their homeland was not just economic or social. Indeed, it was the political influence that has drawn the path of both the Quaiti and Kathiri Sultanates. Fortunes of the homeland changed with change of conditions of the migrants. For centuries, the Hadhramis had control over their destiny and made economic, social, religious and political decisions that had determined their path, both in the host lands and in the homeland. There were major conflicts that divided them (Irshad conflict), but when the homeland was in crisis they came together and agreed on a historical plan of reform and development of Hadhramaut (Shihr and Singapore Conference resolutions). Their strong asset was the network that had formed over the centuries, linking Hadhramis in different host societies with each other and with Hadhramaut itself. In a document from early twentieth century, quoted by Dr Ulrike Freitag, an experienced man describes to two young members of the family how to manage their travel to Singapore.
'when you reach Mukalla you should stay with Sayyid Hussayn b. Hamid al-Mihdhar. All the money you might require, you will obtain from Salim al-Yazidi whom we have notified. Send presents and letters to your families, children and to us, and write to us from everywhere so that we can rejoice at your well being. Once you arrive in Aden, we have asked Abd al-Rahman bin Abdallah to write you a letter (of introduction). When you have met him, follow his instructions. And if you happen to proceed to the haramayn (Mecca and Medina), follow his instructions. We have also asked Mohamad Jabr in Aden to provide you with everything you might need. If there is honey available in Mukalla, get some as a present for the relatives in Singapore. In Aden, buy some halwa, raisins and almonds as presents for your families, for us and the relatives in Singapore. Everything you might need from my money, wether little or much, is at your disposal. You also have my permission to pay sadaka(alms). When you travel to Singapore, follow the advice of your uncle Abd al-Rahman b. Abdullah. On the day you arrive in Aden, send a card to 'Al-Kaff, Singapore, Abu Bakr Abd al-Rahman', so that he knows that you are in Aden.' – quotes from “Hadhrami migration in the 19th and 20th centuries” published in al-bab.com.
From such a narration we can understand the strength of the network. The trust and dependability is evident between different families and across social strata. That was at a time when communication and transaction were not easily facilitated. When the two young men arrived Singapore, they would be well received, accommodated, given direction, and sometimes helped to start a livelihood. Soon, they would start sending remittances (kharg) back to their families. This was very much a standard case of support with most families of migrants.
An even more evident support for the people in the homeland was the investment made in agriculture, education, infrastructure, and construction. The palaces of Tarim, gardens of Seiyun, buildings of Mukalla, and grand mosques across the coast and wadi of Hadhramaut, still carry names of families of migrants and bear witness to the commitment and bond to the homeland. This commitment and bond is best illustrated by resolutions of the Second Hadhrami Reform Conference held in Singapore between 17th April and 1st May 1928, and by the circular from the conference to the Hadhrami 'ummah'.
The circular states:
'If we do not lift the nation from this low place it is in, then no doubt we will be buried in the graveyard of nations and peoples, if we continue this path that leads to that. Do not see strangeness in what we say, for the age of nations is in hundreds and thousands of years, and if we release the last breath in this century, then we will regret where it would be useless to regret. We may live long scattered as individuals after our demise as a people with a homeland, God forbid. It will be a Life that cannot be accepted by the Proud and the Free, and accepted only by the weak whose feelings are dead.'
These two documents represent clear commitment to the welfare and prosperity of the 'homeland' by the migrants. They also give evidence that the support of the migrants was vital for the survival of Hadhramaut as a viable entity. The spirit, responsibility, patriotism and seek of glory for Hadhramaut displayed in the documents are assets that should not be overlooked by Hadhramis today.
During and after World War II, there was a dramatic change. Communication and remittances were interrupted during the war, which lead to severe hardship and starvation. Tribesmen and Bedouins from distant parts gathered around houses of migrant families (Alkaff in Tarim, Bin Talib in Alhawta) for grain distribution. This story is still remembered today. The British Army, as well, made aerial food drops, in the distant desert fringes.
In 1948, Indonesia became independent, with a nationalistic government that forced Hadhramis to integrate. PAI (Parti Arab Indonesia) was merged with the nationalistic party. Arabs declared Indonesia to be their fatherland. Remittances were prohibited and many families lost vast properties to government confiscation. Christian Lekon wrote: “By 1950 it had become obvious that Hadhramaut's pre-war economic connections were not to be restored immediately. Emigration to Southeast Asia, India, and Ethiopia were no longer allowed, or at least were discouraged by the authorities in those regions, and the transfer of remittances from most Hadhramis overseas communities had been increasingly difficult”
Remittances from east Africa (Java of the poor) could not compensate for what was lost from the Far East. Later, when these east African nations become independent in the 1960s, Hadhramis faced the same predicament faced in Indonesia.
In the 1950s and 1960s, with traditional emigration destinations becoming unwelcoming and unattractive, the massive emigration turned to Hijaz, the Gulf and Aden.
The economic boom in Aden in the 1950s and 1960s attracted influx of people and capital. Many Hadhramis from Indonesia and east Africa came to invest in property, industry and trade.
There are no accurate estimations of numbers of Hadhramis in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries. The Yemen government can only estimate numbers of Yemeni passport holders. But many have acquired citizenships of host countries. Nevertheless, the most mentioned figure, that seemed quite reasonable, is around 1.5 million, in addition to about 200 thousand in the Gulf States, primarily in the United Arab Emirates.
The majority of Hadhramis in Saudi Arabia are from Wadi Do'an, who have become well known for their expertise in trade. They were able to take advantage of the oil boom of the 1970s and amassed fortunes of international scale. Amongst them are Bin Mahfoodh, Bin Laden, Bugshan, Al Amoodi, Ba Khashab and Ba Najeh. There are hundreds of others. In the 1960s, 1970s and after, it was the Hadhramis in Saudi Arabia who had most impact on the homeland, though for most time limited, with no long standing economic or political impact. The reason for this was clearly the political change to Hadhramaut after the Sultanates lost their status as sovereign states and became part of South Yemen, ruled by a regime described as the only Marxist Leninist Arab country.
Introduction from a working paper presented to The Arab Hadramis in Southeast Asia: Identity Maintenance Or Assimilation? Conference in KL, 2005.
Dr Saadaldeen Talib is an former member of parliament, democracy activist, and a researcher in Hadharmai migration subjects.
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[archive-e:1042-v:15-y:2007-d:2007-04-16-p:culture]
