Hurdles facing women in Yemeni media [Archives:2006/966/Reportage]
Abdulbari Taher
Despite the fact that the status of Yemeni women has improved generally in Yemen, Yemeni female journalists still face several problems while persuing their career.
More difficulties besiege working Yemeni women. Some of these hurdles have to do with backward social and tribal hierarchy, while others relate to ancient cultural heritage, backward legislation and prehistoric public customs and habits.
Discrimination against women and disdainful views of them are rooted deeply in history, sociology, philosophy, legislation, arts, psychology and, to a great extent, public heritage – whether via poetry, prose, wisdom or proverbs.
Such ancient build-up and practices are the reasons for much defective and discriminatory legislation. They also cause Yemenis to look down upon women. We couldn't go beyond them because we haven't knocked on modernism's doors.
Women's status
According to a witty remark by writer Nabilah Al-Zubair, such existing social build-up is fed by customs and laws that replaced slavery and resulted in subordination and suppressive situations.
In his book entitled Women's Rights Between Legislation and Doctrine, lawyer Ahmed Al-Wadai declares that women's situation and the extent of their role in society can't be decided by legislative texts, with whatever understanding and optimism with which we read them. Yet, such texts aren't separate from reality and life.
Women's situation is complex and everything mixes together – past with present, political with economic and social, and social, literal, philosophical and public with sacred. All of these hurdles in their totality have something to do with women's situations, even the linguistic one.
We're facing a catastrophic situation. Concerning women's rights, Yemen's 1964 Constitution was more developed than that of 1970. The 1990 Yemeni Constitution adopted articles from 1964, but it began to shrink due to frequent amendments from 1994. Surprisingly, the 1994 amendment made use of the 1970 constitution.
In addressing the issue, Al-Wadai refers to the equality principle over the various periods Yemen has experienced. Article 17 of the 1964 constitution states, “Yemenis are equal in general rights and duties before the law, without discrimination based on gender, origin, language, faith or doctrine.”
The 1970 constitution deleted the item detailing such discriminations, which was in fact, a setback. The same issue came about in the constitution drawn up following Yemeni reunification, as well as in the 1994 constitution, which addressed the issue in floating and moral terms, “Women are the half brothers of men. They [women] are equal to men in rights and duties.” So, the big hurdle of legislation lies with backward constitutions.
With more impairment, 1994's frequent amendments and their aftermath were accompanied by amending other laws, particularly regarding the equality principle. As for the Personal Status Law, issued after Yemeni unity, all changes tended to narrow and deprive women of equality.
Instead of fixing the marriage age at 18, as is the case in most Arab and Islamic countries, the law left the matter undefined. Thus, judges and kin in charge were given the right to force their daughters to marry at an early age. Further, most rural families make their daughters marry at an early age.
Human rights activist Amal Al-Basha points out that dysfunction in Article 31 of the 1994 constitution dictates something like, “Women are half brothers of men. They are equal with men in rights and duties, according to Sharia and law,” indicating that women's citizenship can be represented only in the moral aspect controlled by Sharia.
Women and law
Further, dozens of laws are marked by discrimination, as in the case of a Yemeni woman who wants to marry a foreigner but must have the Interior Minister's consent. Article 6 of 1990's Nationalization Law refuses the right of a Yemeni woman married to a foreigner to pass on her nationality to her sons; whereas a Yemeni man married to a female foreigner can transfer his nationality to his sons.
In another example, according to Article 12 of 1994, if a man kills his wife and her companion while they are committing adultery, he should be sentenced to a year's imprisonment and a fine.
Discriminatory legislation and constitutions clash with international declarations, to which Yemen should adhere. They also clash with agreed upon charters and agreements. In reality, Yemeni legitimate courts and judiciary – marked by backwardness, incompetence and partiality – do align against women because they're very close to tradition and tribal customs rather than the law and constitution.
In Yemen, which basically is a tribal society, women are treated with much disdain, contempt and scorn. The bias of courts represents nothing as compared to the hurdles of custom, tradition, entrenched values and religious culture.
Dozens of Yemeni proverbs comment scornfully on women, considering them worthy of such slur. In addition to oppressive practices and legislation, such proverbs are responsible for women's backwardness and their disappearance, particularly those working in mass media.
It's without doubt that women working in media have a special peculiarity, thus adding to their suffering. Due to traditional society and illiteracy, 30 percent of Yemeni women hardly can write because they're subject to dropping out of primary school. Women being deprived of education can be attributed to early marriage and family poverty giving priority to males' education.
While less than 30 percent of Yemeni women reach university, some hundreds hazard to join the media and press. However, these bold women are kept under the merciless eyes of traditional society. Due to their daily appearance, they're subject to blame and criticism, as in the case of journalists Rahma Hujeerah and Raufa Hassan. Further, Amat Alalim Al-Suswa was criticized by religious preachers, while Radhia Ehsan was harassed, as is the case with many of her contemporaries.
What's even more catastrophic is state participation in terrorizing female media personnel. The problem doesn't lie solely with legislation, customs, traditions, backward judiciary or a society that's the enemy of freedom, rights and equality; rather, it extends to include political and educated elites and civil society organizations because such elites are inclined toward what's traditional, illiberal and narrow-minded. Whatever they speak, they remain captive to their societal restrictions.
Few women work in mass media because the collective social view of women still is negative. Even when women join radio, television or press, they're not given the chance to express themselves or give vent to their creativity and ability.
Besieged in their work during the day, women find it even more difficult to work at night in such a traditional society. Regarding the press, writing, preparing and following news items occurs in the afternoon and during qat sessions, where women can't find a place. So, working in media is challenging for women.
Additionally, women's work in journalism and the media requires field visits, which is relatively unacceptable in such a conservative society. Although the Faculty of Information has provided society a considerable number of female media personnel, they don't perform their role well, perhaps due to late qualification and graduation or little experience.
Women and media
Journalism and media are both important and dangerous at the same time because journalism on the world stage – the Arab world generally and Yemen particularly – represents an open field for continuous confrontation, a fierce and violent one. Press members are subject to arrest, beating, trials and defamation – all reasons making women hesitate to join.
Situations and attitudes toward women mirror the actual mode of modernism, democracy and liberalism in any country. Additionally, the situation of minorities, women and marginalized factions reflects a genuine picture of the nature of that society.
According to a Women's National Committee report on women's situation, their political participation is limited, particularly at higher levels. Despite the existence of regulatory laws concerning women's situation, there still exists a gap between theory and practice.
According to the report, the absence of women when formulating laws causes such laws to become subject to subjective interpretations apart from doctrinal interpretations, thus spoiling the principle of gender equality.
The committee report attributes women's poor participation in politics to:
– Joining education late
– Male dominance over political institutions
– Doubt and fear cast upon women
– Teaching women from childhood to look for a husband and passion
– The spread of concepts and values confining politics to men
Women's participation in all media outlets, particularly higher positions, hasn't arrived at that level, as their participation thus far is removed from decision making posts. Yemeni media's addressing of women's issues reflects the nature of a society governed by custom and hereditary tradition. In spite of all its developments, Yemeni society still has a derogatory view of women. Women are absent from society building because their participation is wanted only formally.
Tables on women's situation in mass media and journalism reflect a terrifying situation, witnessing to their weak participation and forging calls that speak of women's attendance and participation in all life aspects.
Education is one hurdle facing men and women, but more so for women, 70 percent of whom are illiterate. When economic situations harm both genders, they affect women more. Absence of democracy is an illness affecting all, but women are its major victims. Yemeni society's backwardness and stiffness of tradition is reflected upon all its citizens, but more so upon women, especially those enrolled in mass media.
Discrimination and scorn will involve all, but will affect women more. As long as Yemen is a factional society with social discrimination, women will be victimized twice – once by the general situation and again by her father, brother, family or husband.
Mixing between religious and tribal systems becomes clear when we consider the veil. Veiling began with high-class families in cities and then the tradition extended to include all women of various classes and found its place in the countryside as well. Veiling will hinder women from joining media institutions.
Finally, negative discrimination against women and their work can be treated only by positive discrimination through the constitution, laws and legislation. Furthermore, procedures and steps should be implemented to enable women to participate actively in political life by giving them the chance to occupy high posts and demonstrate their capabilities with utter freedom.
——
[archive-e:966-v:14-y:2006-d:2006-07-24-p:report]
